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Deficits of Democracy: Youth Activism and Marginalization in Denmark

“There is something rotten about democracy in Denmark.” An almost cliché observation, and yet one that brings with it an unspoken need for societal introspection. For Selma  these are more than just words, they represent a potent revelation about a nation at the crossroads.

“We are Danes- maybe not in our color, maybe not in our ancestry, but we are citizens of this society. This is our country too. For us, Denmark is our home.” Khaled’s words are almost a plea, not for himself but for his youngest son who holds lovingly onto his arm. For now his six year old son wants sweets, but in the coming years he will also come to understand his father’s burning desire for recognition and respect. “We are the yellow spot on the pretty picture,” Esther reflects, trying to convey the commitment and intensity of the last 70 weeks, an enormous task for anyone. 

A cursory glance through international statistics will quickly paint a pleasant portrait of the small Scandinavian nation of Denmark. At the northernmost point of continental Europe, she is ranked seventh in the world for GDP per capita. In fact, the University of Cambridge has time and again named Denmark ‘the happiest country in the world’.  As Davic Rovics explains, “For the rest of the world, Denmark will continue to be a mild-mannered social democracy with blonds on bicycles who all have cradle-to-grave health insurance, where it is always twilight.” But recently, something has been stirring in certain areas of Denmark. The tension is nothing short of tangible in many areas of the city, bridges and walls covered in the emblematic “69” of a popular youth movement, and newspapers filled with loaded political rhetoric about the pressing issues of Islam, Muslims and integration. Crossing into Nørrebro these days almost requires a passport. 

Activism is a buzzword that has been floating around the talking spaces of Copenhagen. Protest. Demonstration. Violence. Two movements, to use the term loosely, have reignited the flames of this discourse. The Youth House Movement and the Winter Riots, a series of violent demonstrations by young people with a different ethnic background than Danish, have brought to the forefront of public discussion the shortfalls of Danish democracy. An analysis of these two movements reveals a shocking sense of humanity within what has been characterized as organizations of chaos. The two movements are as intriguing in their similarities as they are in their differences. The methods, messages, and motivations of both movements speak greatly to the shifting socio-political climate in Denmark. 

Ungdomshuset 

In the early 1980s several buildings in Copenhagen were occupied by squatters. One of these conquered domains, located at the now infamous Jagtvej 69 in Nørrebro, Copenhagen, was formerly referred to as the Folkets Hus (“People’s House”). Since its construction in the late 1800s, the People’s House had been a meeting place for labor unions, the launching site of the first International Women’s Day, and the host of an important socialist gathering named the Second International. Later dubbed the Ungdomshuset (“Youth House”), it became a mecca for anarchist youth and punk rock music lovers who needed a break from the quaint yet stifling pleasantries of Danish society.  “Young people wanted their own identity, to dress how they wanted and to look how they wanted; it’s about finding out how you can be and how you can breathe in this society,” explains Selma, a user of the Youth House who would later join others in fighting for the preservation of the house. Another activist, Esther, explains that the house had rules. Some of the rules included no fighting, no racism, no heterosexism, and no hard drugs. It was its own little society. 

The Decision

Despite such supporters, the municipality decided to sell the house in 1999, alleging that the users of the house had not upheld their end of the agreement. The local government had mandated that the users of the house fulfill certain requirements: help pay utility fees, carry out house maintenance, avoid criminal activity in the house, and refrain from sleeping in the house because of the lack of adequate fire safety. In the government’s opinion, these demands had not been met and therefore allowed for the dissolution of the community center. 

The Struggle

The users of the house fought back for several years, taking up court cases and appealing to politicians and community leaders, energized by the purchase of the house in 2000 by a religious sect called “Father’s House” that elegantly explained, “When we take over the house, they (the present users) will simply not be able to step through the doors, because the light of God will be too strong for them. The reason for this is that God is stronger than Satan.” Activist youth engaged in clever, and peaceful, demonstrations such as the “Campaign for More Opera Houses”, which ironically highlighted what they felt to be the absurdity of building more opera houses without providing a community center for the youth of Copenhagen. Operation Soft Front filled the streets with stuffed animals, young people danced in roller blades, a pirate group sailed around the channels, and protests were accompanied with bubble making machines and balloons. Despite the effort, all attempts to save the house were lost in 2006 when the Danish Supreme Court ruled that the users vacate the house by December 16th, a date that was later changed due to increased tension. In the early morning hours of March 1, 2007 the police laid siege to the Ungdomshuset, setting off a firestorm that would result in some of the largest riots in a decade.  

The Final Battle 

Within only three days, over 650 people had been arrested, 217 persons had faced imprisonment and over 150 individuals were deported. The demonstrators were met with police in riot gear and armed with tear gas. “It seemed very much like a war from the Right,” explains Edward, a 23 year old user of the house who joined in the struggle to protest the destruction of the Ungdomshuset, “if the government attacks you, you defend yourself. We were simply reacting against oppression and injustice.” The violent clash between protestors and police made international news and became a symbol of resistance against governmental oppression and cultural constraint.

Activists from across the world flooded into this once peaceful Scandinavian utopia. Each day was met with new riots, burning tires, and urban warfare on a frightening level. Selma argues that the violence was difficult to control because, “many people were angry about very different things and there was no one person that could tell people to stop.” Entire sections of the city were placed under martial law, allowing for any individual passing through the area to be searched and/or detained. Politicians came out and condemned the violent tactics, and indeed the very motives of the movement. A mayor from the conservative party, Mogens Lønborg, condemned any willingness on the part of the municipality to negotiate with the youth movement, arguing that, “By giving the youth a new house we are rewarding their behavior.”  A representative of the youth branch of the liberal party, Anders Fredrik Mihle, commented that, “The spoiled kids in the Youth House woke up to reality in Danish society where you have a job and pay rent.” The police-spokesperson, Fleming Steen Munch, even went so far as to compare the Ungdomshuset with a fascist organization because of its lack of cooperation with the police. With such strong reactions, the movement could no longer be ignored. 
Personal Account: Breaking the Stereotype
9:30 AM. A mix-up in train stations had left us thirty minutes behind schedule for our interview. The streets were relatively quiet, filled only with those disciplined enough to wake up early on a Saturday morning.  The automatic doors to the train station opened with a muffled “whoosh”. A girl emerged walking her bike, looking somewhat flustered but still surprisingly awake for the early morning hour. She had what can only be described as an eclectic haircut, perhaps a style yet undiscovered but still fashionably unfashionable. Behind her glasses one could immediately sense a reassuring friendliness. “Are you Selma?” we asked the stranger. “Yeah! Hi, nice to meet you,” she responded with an unmistakably Danish accent. After a few minutes we found a coffee shop that was aptly named Café Casto, no big surprise for Nørrebro. Not yet open, it was outfitted with a cute patio that could provide us with some privacy for our conversation. 

Selma had only visited the youth house a few times, attending various punk rock concerts and enjoying the unique subculture that such a place provided. She hails from a progressive upper middle class family, having lived in various parts of the world where her father was on business. Like many of the members of the movement, she defied stereotypes. Educated in medicine, she had an interest in theater, “Children’s theater, actually” she clarifies. She reflects on the events of the last couple of years, uncertain about many aspects of the movement yet generally excited about the increasing level of political activism in Danish youth.

Like many supporters of the house, Selma cannot remember how she became involved in the movement. After the municipality chose to sell the house Selma and her friends found themselves all too aware of the tension. “Everyday we thought, ‘OK, now they’re going to take the house,’” she recalls. For Selma it was not a difficult decision to get involved. Feeling that the movement was doing too much talking, Selma encouraged activists to be creative with their resistance through the use of happenings and peaceful demonstration. She helped conceptualize the idea of the “Associations for more Opera Houses”. When the violence started Selma was torn. “It’s difficult when you are against violence and you have to watch it work,” she reasons aloud, “I still don’t know how I feel about it.” Finally the media was really paying attention, even if they completely misrepresented the movement and generalized all supporters of the House as violent rioters. Mainstream Danish society realized that this wasn’t going away. 

The movement represented much more than the house for Selma. For Selma, “It was about learning how to change the world and how to be a part of it.” It was about a right to have free places in society. It was about being allowed to belong in one’s own way. For a while Selma felt like the movement had lost. The government paid lip service to their cause, but nothing was being done. And then suddenly on June 11, 2008 the politicians finally gave the movement an answer. They had found a new house to be located at Dortheavej 61 in northwest Copenhagen. “I guess we won,” Selma says, with an obvious hint of self-doubt, “but the movement is still going- in fact, it’s grown. There are so many more issues to fight for.” 
Personal Account: More than just a House
It was obvious that we were no longer in the more picturesque quarters of Copenhagen, the graffiti covered walls of Blågårdsplads assured us of that. Our mainstream appearance drew some quick and suspicious glances. The rumor is that the police don’t dare enter this square alone, they have unofficially surrendered this place to the people of Nørrebro. We first saw Edward standing nervously just outside of the entrance to the bar where we had agreed to meet him. You could tell he didn’t know what to expect, but neither did we. He wore a beard that is common to those who refuse to fall in step with the clean-shavenness of societal norms. His shirt displayed the abstract symbol of an unknown band. Ignoring the intermittent interruptions from intoxicated patrons, we began to talk. 

Edward, 23, missed the initial eviction of the house. Much like Selma, he had visited the house for years, attending festivals and concerts. For Edward the youth house is about a “place that you can go and disagree, and agree to disagree about important issues.” He quickly adds, “My heart and soul are not in the old house, the only thing I know is the movement.” His focus is on the underlying causes of injustices like the eviction of the Ungdomshuset. He focuses on the police reaction to the demonstrations, noting that, “This entire situation calls for reflection, for everyone; people have to realize that it’s strange to think it’s OK to take away people’s rights when we need them most.” Edward believes that the struggle for the youth house has opened a lot of people’s eyes, forcing them to recognize the problems in Danish society- be they issues of racism, police brutality, or normalization. 

Edward was present during the Grøndalsvænge 13 demonstration on October 6, 2007. The G13 demonstration is credited as being the turning point for the youth house movement. 10,000 activists gathered for a peaceful demonstration in Nørrebro, Copenhagen. Their aim was to occupy what they wanted to become the new youth house. The protestors were met with riot police and tear gas and responded only by throwing the tear gas back. This departure from violence encouraged the government to enter into substantive negotiations with representatives from the movement. For Edward, the G13 demonstration “was about opening a conversation- and it was a success, it has changed what people believe is possible.” For Edward, this is only the beginning. 
Riots in Nørrebro 
From behind, their dark hair and jackets fill up the lower parts of the room in what presents itself as a sea of tangible frustration, the Lord Mayor and her staff sitting in the back of the small sour smelling gym. The meeting has been established as part of a “fact-finding mission” designed to “identify a way forward” now that the smoke and burnt wreckage has been cleared from the streets of Copenhagen. 

The meeting follows the standard procedure of a town hall meeting with a presentation of the list of speakers and the Q & A session in the end. The boys are impatient. Suddenly one of them gets up and interrupts the Mayor’s speech on the benefits of doing sports. “Excuse me Mayor, but I don’t think you have a clue about what actually happened or what it is like being us”. The young man gaining ground in voice turns halfway around the room and now addresses his peers.  “Tell me something, all of you who have ever experienced real discrimination, not just a remark but the kind that makes you outraged, please raise your hand,” he commands. The addressed group browses down the aisles and one by the one the hands start coming up. “You see Mayor, this is not just a matter of us getting access to new soccer equipment.” 

In the cold darkness of February, 2007 Copenhagen experienced one of its most vivid riots by non-ethnic Danes. According to several media sources, the riots occurred because the police had conducted a harsh search of a respected elderly man living in a neighborhood of inner Nørrebro. What started out as minor incidents of looting and small fires in the streets became unforeseen riots that spread across the small nation-state of Denmark. More than 10 major towns around the country experienced some sort of rioting and fires that, according to several eye witnesses (social workers, local police etc.), were motivated by the anger and tension built up over several months. 

A vast majority of the Danish politicians seized the opportunity to fight over the issue of integration, developing what they felt to be clear-cut policies on how to combat the troublesome youth and to teach the children and their parents a lesson on proper behavior within the Danish society. In general, the politicians escalated the already existing anti-immigration rhetoric on a daily basis throughout the month of February, mainly focusing on the methods of the “whip”, a method of harsh punishment and a tightening of both integration and criminal law. 

But what actually happened? Was it really the alleged assault on the old Palestinian man that created enough anger that the immigrant youth of Nørrebro rushed to such an aggressive response? According to the founder of the Group of Fathers (Fædregruppen), Khaled Alsubeihi,  the specific event was just a valve whereby a series of frustrations where released in response to the search of the old man. “These kids are tried and worn out by the systematic discrimination and insults,” Khaled explains. He continues, “We [Muslims] are constantly being condemned as a group, the kids are on a walk in the desert in terms of coming to terms with their identity and roots. When they sense that they, despite their Danish passport, are only accepted as second-class citizens, they get frustrated and angry.”
Personal Account: And miles to go before I sleep..
“Alright,” Tharik said, sitting down, “let’s get started.” Living in Nørrebro, Tharik, 26, has been in Denmark for only 7 years. He is a refugee from Turkey, reaching the city of Copenhagen on accident after five failed attempts at being smuggled to Sweden. He wasn’t supposed to deal with the bureaucratic mess that is the Danish asylum process, but such things were beyond his control. After several years of language courses Tharik began a formal education at a Danish vocational institute. He has worked with children as a part-time job, saving money in order to buy an apartment. Tharik is unlike many refugees, he has found opportunity in Denmark. But the road was certainly not easy. Like many non-ethnic Danes, he has had his share of experiences in the world of discrimination. He recalls the countless times he has been denied entrance into bars and nightclubs. While his Danish friends were allowed, there was always an excuse why he could not follow- no sneakers allowed, though his friends wore sneakers. 

While Tharik did not personally participate in the Winter Riots, he feels some sense of solidarity with the kids on the street. He is tired of having to prove himself by denying his religion and his skin color. “A sense of belonging is important,” he explains. But it is difficult, Tharik has mastered the Danish language, he wears Danish clothes, and he attends Danish schools so he can contribute to Danish society- but in the eyes of many people he can never be Danish. Tharik does not agree with the tactics of the Winter Riots, but he feels that it is important that Danes address the causes of this frustration. It is not just a matter of talking about integration; it’s about understanding that Danes have a responsibility within the integration narrative as well. It is, in Tharik’s opinion, a two way street. There must be cultural exchange, there must be a removal of the stigmas and myths that have been attached to the immigrant community, and the only way to do this is to invite the issue into one’s home. 
Visitation Zones and Police Brutality 
“No justice! No Peace! No Racist Police!”
On February 15th in the middle of the Winter Riots on Nørrebro, a group of young people named the “Unorganized Anti-Racist” got together and initiated a demonstration with the purpose of drawing the media’s attention to the negative impact and elements of injustice pertaining to a new tool of the police called visitation zones. According to the group, the Winter Riots are a result of the deep frustrations within the community of young people living in Nørrebro who feel targeted by the media and politicians as the scapegoats of the Danish society. 

For months the police had forced the locals to face the dirt in these visitation-zones. A press release from the group claims that, “There are numerous examples of assaults and humiliations committed by the police in these zones and yet the politicians wish to provide them with more power.” And the press release continues, “The type of riots that we are witnessing is a reaction to the racially offensive suppression that the politicians, the police and the media are behind. Just as what happened in the suburbs of Paris, we are witnessing the fact that the lowest in society is rebelling against the current policies. This problem cannot be resolved with expulsions, water-canons or visitation-zones.” 

In the summer of 2004 the Danish parliament passed what has been coined the “Police Law.” The Police Law was a major reform program that affected the internal priorities of the police and revised several laws and systems of power. One of the changes within these laws was the “Biker-law”. Although this was intended to be a specific tactic to combat hard crime in the biker community, it later became common law. This provided the police with several new instruments originally designed to focus on a specific case only. One of the news instruments was the creation of the visitation-zone. 

A visitation-zone is a predefined and limited area in which the chief director of the police can apply a temporary suspension of normal protocols for conducting search and seizures.  Once the law have been applied it is no longer necessary for the police to have reasonable cause to search a person. It is argued that the law is part of a strategy to combat street crimes, and more specifically to address violent assaults that include knives. It is important to note that the chief director of the police must have a well formulated set of arguments in order to apply the law. Furthermore, the law only applies for a limited period, usually a month, and special permission must be granted to provide for any continuation of the zone. 

There has been some criticism of this policy. Various parties, including the Association of Bouncers, have argued that the impact of the policy is fairly positive while the visitation zones are applied, however the long-term effect is not at all visible. The Association further argues that, “People will just stay away from those areas, but in the long run [the zones] will not diminish the escalation of violence. In order to do so people need education and better conflict management skills that apply even when you are drunk.” 

The winter riots which had spread across the country to more than 10 major towns was highlighted by an open letter to the public signed by “The Boys from Inner Nørrebro.” In short, it outlined frustrations with the attitude and behaviour of the police. The boys felt they had been constantly and needlessly harassed by the police. The letter further stated, “we just want to be treated without police or media discrimination based on our names or the color of our skin. In the media we are still referred to as immigrants despite the fact that we were born in this country.” 

“The Youth House movement has also had many confrontations with the police, some more severe than others, but enough to say that the relationship between the two are fairly constrained,” says Ole, a member of the organization Parents Against Police Brutality. The organization was founded on the premise that the youth seemed rather helpless when dealing with legal matters, including filing complaints about harsh treatment by the police. The organization’s stipulated mission is to collect evidence and monitor the behaviour of the police authorities. According to the organization’s representative, the police has been professionalized and militarized to such an extent that they are now moving into an almost paramilitary role—far beyond the original construction as protectors of society, they are now controllers of society.  

One of the main issues for which the organization advocates is a reform of the complaint system. As it is now, there is a problem with the system of checks and balances- the district attorney, who forwards cases from the police to the trials and investigates complaints about the police, has the same address as the police station.  Ole identifies several other problems with the status quo, including the illegal searches conducted on private citizens, the need for an open discussion about the legality of current terror legislation, and the use of mass arrests without attention to the inmates’ right to a speedy trial.  In Ole’s opinion, something is broken. 
Gatekeepers of Democracy: Sleeping on the Job
“The media has failed us,” Khaled Alsubeihi states, “They only show bad Muslims.” And how do you convince Danish society that you are trying to integrate if the media refuses to portray you as doing so? Khaled isn’t alone in this perspective, indeed even Esther, a press representative from the youth house, pointed out that “the media made it hard for the youth house to find a new neighborhood because everyone thinks the users are simply a bunch of rioters.” Ole, a representative of Parents Against Police Brutality, notes that violence was only a small part of the youth house demonstration, only taking place on four or five occasions. But this comes as no surprise to activists. Edward notes that the media is simply trying to sell stories, and those stories are not always the complete truth. Unfortunately, such misrepresentations only serve to hurt popular movements. 

There is an ongoing discussion about the role of the media and its responsibility to society. Tøger Seidenfaden, editor of the Danish newspaper Politiken, reveals that, “Many newspapers generally reject the idea that there is a social responsibility on the part of the media.” So instead of approaching stories with a consideration about its larger consequences, many agents of the media instead report what people most want to hear. This approach makes a news story about the Father Group or other organizations designed to decrease criminality among ethnic minorities in Copenhagen far less marketable than inflammatory comments by the leaders of Hizb ut-Tahrir, a fanatical Muslim political organization. When a Danish citizen in Esbjerg picks up the morning newspaper he perceives only what the media chooses to report. For Ole, this has resulted in a population uninformed about growing police brutality and marginalization, and thus a society saturated with apathy. 
Why Protests?
What is it that encourages movements to turn to protest and demonstration instead of normal legal channels such as the court system or political lobbying? While this is a common question, it is perhaps flawed in its understanding of popular movements. In these two case studies, protest has been used as a final tool of marginalized youth, preceded by earnest efforts towards using the court system and established political structures to solidify rights and recognition, whether it be the right to retain ownership of the youth house or to encourage the creation of some middle ground between ethnic and “New” Danes. 

René Karpantschof, a sociology professor at the University of Copenhagen and a respected voice on issues of cultural movements and protest, discusses the existence of protest within democracies. First, Karpantschof argues that protest is inherent in any nation’s democratic transition and the development of democratic rights. Inherent in the ideals of an individual’s right to assemble and freedom of speech is the possibility of protest. Second, acts of violence impassion people’s fights for political and societal rights. This can be seen quite easily in the increased level of activism in youth following the eviction of the Ungdomshuset and the subsequent riots. Third, protest is an outgrowth of transnational identities regarding global issues. Immigrant youth in Copenhagen developed a sense of solidarity with similar movements across Europe and the Middle East, many of whom had likewise turned to violence in order to express their frustrations. There is a strong connection between the Parisian youth riots and the Winter Riots in February. Finally, the escalation of violence is linked to the degree of confrontation in the relationship between the police and the protestors. Armored riot police throwing tear gas quickly results in hostile actions by protestors who perceive themselves as under attack, and vice versa. 
This is not the End
2:30 AM. Certainly past what many feel should be the bedtime for many of these young protestors. This doesn’t seem to bother them, however, as they continue in what is the tenth hour of a twenty-four hour march to remind the government that they have not forgotten the injustices of the last two years. Sixty-nine weeks have passed, and yet the emotions are still vividly raw in the chants that echo against the buildings that line the street. It has been dark for quite some time now, and the hundreds that have gathered look meager compared to the thousands who assembled many weeks earlier. 

Out of nowhere there is a small orb of light. A stranger hands me a crudely made torch, little more than a stick with a kerosene-doused rag wrapped around the top. Glancing around the still moving crowd I can see that the first orb has now become four, and four eight, eight now sixteen, sixteen thirty-two until there are far too many to count. The light has spread like some dawning realization, each torch representing one person who in turn represents so many of hundreds who have joined in the solidarity of this movement. It is not quite so dark now, there is a renewed sense of enthusiasm in the footsteps of the crowd, and the chant grows slightly louder. 

On July 1, 2008 the youth house movement received the keys to a new house located just 2 kilometers from the one seized by the municipality less than two years earlier. They have decided to spend the month of July decorating and cleaning the house, preparing it for an opening celebration that will take place at some undecided point in the future. The mayor said she won’t be attending. But one can be certain that she has been listening. 

Protest has once again proven itself to be a part of Danish democracy. It is both a necessary and inevitable component of democratic growth. Demonstration is the product of frustration and marginalization. It transcends ethnicities, lifestyles, and backgrounds to unite people behind a cause- an aspect of activism one must keep in mind. The Ungdomshuset must not limit itself through its own exclusionary identity. It must not corner the market on activism in Denmark. There is too much left to fight for.  

This is hardly the end of the road for these activists. Edward explains that he has tunneled his activism into other issues such as deportation and asylum issues in Denmark. Esther has busied herself with her collective and the ongoing discussion of what parts of the old house to include in the new one. Selma hopes that women’s issues will be emphasized in the continued movement, and all of them hold promise for the future of youth activism. 

The story in the immigrant community appears slightly less hopeful. Khaled explains that the government has proved uncooperative in trying to find substantive solutions to the immigrant problem. Instead of providing respect and recognition to New Danes, and in so doing encouraging them to develop a Danish identity, the political policy, largely fueled by the Danish People’s Party, has been to make sure that immigrants feel unwelcome. At least then they might not try to come here. But the leader of the Group of Fathers believes that such logic only creates a destructive cycle of exclusion and criminality. He hopes to establish a youth council through which young non-ethnic Danes can voice their concerns to the municipality, and hopefully become catalysts for progress. Members of the Ungdomshuset have also voiced interest in more visible showings of solidarity with the immigrant struggle. After all, Selma reasons, despite their differences they are all in this together.

References

“Autonomous Youth House Fights Back.” December 2006. International Viewpoint. <http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1178>. 
Connolly, Kate. “Tearful Protestors Fail to Save Historic Centre,” The Guardian, March 6, 2007, natl. ed.
Berlingske Research. “Gadeuro på Nørrebro breeder sig,” Berlingske Tidende, Feb 14, 2008, natl. ed.
Fastrup, Niels. “Antiracister: Indvanderoptøjer reaction på undertrykkelse,” Modkraft.dk, Feb 15, 2008, natl. ed. 
Grøn, Tommy. “K-borgmester: De unge vil bruge vold igen,” Politiken, Nov 27, 2007, natl. ed.
Grøn, Tommy. “Politi: Autonome I Ungdomshuset er som fascister,” Politiken, Jan 10, 2007, natl. ed.
“Happy Danes are Here Again.” 17 April 2007. University of Cambridge. 1 July 2008. <http://www.admin.cam.ac.uk/news/dp/2007041701 >.
Nilsson, Kirsten. “Juraekspert: Zoner bør proves ved domstol,” Politiken, Dec 15, 2007, natl. ed. 
Olsen, Jan. “Anarchists Flock to Join Denmark Rioters,” Houston Chronicle, March 3, 2007, natl. ed.
“Sandheden bag urolighederne,” Politiken, Feb 18, 2008, natl. ed. 
Seidenfaden, Tøger. “Challenges for Danish Society; globalism, religion and populism.” DIHR Wilders Plads 8H. Danish Institute for Human Rights. Copenhagen, DK, 17 June 2008. 
Sørensen, Anette. “Dørmand: København flyder med våben,” Denmark’s Radio. 
Stensgaard, Jakob. “Rockerlov, rockerforbud eller retssikkerhed,” Faklen.dk, Natl. ed. 
“Ungdomshuset.” 9 February 2007. Ungdomshuset. 1 July 2008. <http://www.skarpretter.com/downloads/History%20of%20Ungdomshuset.pdf>. 
“Youth House v. Father House.” 7 Dec. 2006. Songwriter’s Notebook. 2 July 2008. <http://songwritersnotebook.blogspot.com/2006/12/youth-house-vs-father-house.html>.
Interviews Conducted:
Edward, Ungdomshuset Activist. Copenhagen, DK. 27 June, 2008. 
Esther. Representative of Ungdomshuset Press Group. Copenhagen, DK. 29 June, 2008. 
Khaled Alsubeihi. Founder of Group of Fathers. Copenhagen, DK. 30 June, 2008. 
Ole. Representative from Parents Against Police Brutality. Copenhagen, DK. 1 July, 2008. 
Rene Karpantschof. Professor of Sociology, University of Copenhagen. Copenhagen, DK. 27 June, 2008. 
Selma. Ungdomshuset Activist. Copenhagen, DK. 28 June, 2008. 
Tharik. Turkish Refugee living in Blågårdsplads. Copenhagen, DK. 2 July, 2008.
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