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Moving Beyond Statistics: Narratives of Chechen Refugees in Poland

Ruslan fought alongside other Chechen nationalists in both of the Chechen wars. Soon after the attack on an elementary school in nearby Beslan, he received a death threat. To protect their family, Ruslan, his wife Aza and their two children, Khava and Akhmat, fled Chechnya in 2004. The family spent four months in a Belgian jail before being deported back to Poland, where they have waited four years for a decision regarding their status. 

Madina is a 22-year-old Chechen girl who was granted refugee status in Poland after her father and brother were killed during the war. She has been living in Poland for 2 years with her mother and sisters. She works in a drugstore, takes Polish classes, and is planning to study Computer Science at the university.

Every refugee family, and individual within that family, encounters a different situation in Poland. A select few become refugees and integrate well into society; yet others are forced to return to the area they fled. Some people arrive with large families, while others arrive alone. Some live in central apartments, while the less fortunate become isolated in remote refugee camps. Rather than generalize about one common experience, we seek to move beyond statistics. By examining the unique situations of asylum seekers from various walks of life, we aim to understand the most common and formidable barriers that prevent asylum seekers in Poland from establishing a secure and stable life.

International Failure to Recognize the Situation

“During the war time it was much better,” suggested Nuura, an asylum seeker from Dagestan that currently resides in the Bielany refugee camp. Her family originally left Dagestan after their female neighbor ‘disappeared’ with armed men in masks. Fearing a similar fate, she and her husband sought asylum in Poland with their 7 children. For three years, they anxiously awaited a decision while staying in various refugee camps throughout Poland, living on less than 70 zloty (22 dollars) per person each month. Less than a week ago, they received a distressing verdict: they must return to Dagestan. They are not ‘refugees’.

Was Nuura’s statement overly sensationalistic? Can peace really be worse than war? She went on to explain that at the height of the Chechen wars, the international community recognized the conflict in surrounding areas and sympathized with ordinary citizens. Recently, however, an officer at the refugee camp informed her that there is no longer conflict in their region. This lack of understanding regarding the ongoing conflict in the Northern Caucasus prevents many refugees, such as Nuura and her family, from receiving even complimentary protection in Poland. Complimentary protection is awarded when an asylum seeker falls short of refugee status, but would be in danger if returned to his or her country of origin. According to the Polish government:

An alien is granted complementary protection in case his/her return to the country of origin may subject him/her to real risk of serious harm by being sentenced to death or being executed, tortured, treated inhumanely or humiliated, punished, he/she may be under serious and individual threat to his/her life or health resulting from widespread violence against civilians in the situation of an international or internal military conflict and due to that risk he/she may not or does not want to use the protection of his/her country of origin.(Office for Foreigners Website)

Are Nuura’s family and the 9,238 Russian Federation citizens that sought asylum in Poland between 2005 and 2007 “at real risk of serious harm” in their country? (UNHCR) The terms ‘real risk’ and ‘serious harm’ are subjective and open to interpretation, as well as political manipulation. Because Russia denies that war continues in the Northern Caucasus, one may argue that the risk of torture is now remote and constrained to a few isolated cases. This may be an especially tempting option for the Polish government if it wishes to maintain favorable foreign relations with Russia. There are few stories in the international press covering attacks in Dagestan, and a ‘few isolated cases’ do not necessarily constitute real danger. Due to this politically motivated interpretation, many citizens of the Northern Caucasus remain unable to escape dangerous situations. This difficulty is especially relevant in Poland, where 92% of all asylum applicants in 2007 were citizens of the Russian Federation (Office for Foreigners).
Despite the official end to the war in Chechnya, horror stories on the ground are emerging with increasing frequency, suggesting that the risk of harm remains substantial, prevalent, and possibly ‘serious’. Ekaterina Sokirianskaia, an expert on the Northern Caucasus at the Russian human rights center, Memorial, says:

Dagestan and Ingushetia are the two most troublesome regions of today’s North Caucasus. If attacks on security servicemen in Dagestan take place on a nearly daily basis, in Ingushetia, which is a much smaller republic, they often happen several times a day. Dagestan is also notorious for a high level of criminal violence and violent business 
sorting outs. (ACPC Interview, 2008)

In this week alone, The Kavkaz Center reported 7 cases of ‘disappearances’ and political murders in Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan. On June 27, 2009, apostates in Dagestan kidnapped Gitikhma Dzhavatkhanov, 27, taking him to an undisclosed location. Just a few days before, sellers of Islamic literature had been kidnapped in Shamilkala, a region of Dagestan. The next day, their burned corpses and car were found in the mountains (Kavkaz Center Website). International newspapers, such as BBC and the New York Times, have also highlighted the recent assassination attempt on the Minister of Ingushetia, and the arming of Russian troops on the Georgian border.  

Perhaps, such increased international publicity for the region will break the silence that has surrounded  violence there up to this point.  Even so, each territory is treated independently; conflict in Georgia would not necessarily merit Dagestan and Chechnya being labeled as ‘war zones’. As long as the violence in the Northern Caucasus—especially Chechnya—is not officially recognized, asylum seekers from the area will find it difficult to attain permission to create a stable life in Poland. 

Lack of Information surrounding the asylum process

Ruslan and Aza left Chechnya on September 2, 2004, the day after an elementary school was attacked and Chechen separatists held 1,200 people hostage in Beslan. As an active Chechen nationalist and a soldier in both of the Chechen wars, Ruslan feared that he would be killed as the Russians sought retaliation for the Beslan attack. In his initial days as a leader in the nationalist movement, he had become friends with both Dudayev, the first president of Chechnya, and Bashayev, the separatist guerilla leader who planned the attack of Beslan. Angered by the destruction of his village at the start of the Second Chechen War, Ruslan continued to fight for Chechen independence. Many times nationalists are mistaken for Muslim terrorists, but Ruslan explained that he did not fight for religion. He wanted an independent, self-governed land for his people. A few days before he left, he received a note promising that he would be killed in 2 weeks time if he remained in Chechnya. In an effort to protect his family, he bought train tickets to Kalingrad, where he hoped to obtain a visa allowing him to live in another country.

As they were awaiting departure, he hugged his good friend goodbye and secured the family’s luggage. Right before the train left, Russian soldiers stormed the train and demanded that crew remove Ruslan from the train immediately. Knowing that he was on a Latvian train and therefore no longer on Russian soil, Ruslan refused. Fortunately, the chief of the train was Latvian and permitted Ruslan to remain on the train, but suggested he disembark in Minsk so that he would not be arrested upon arrival in Kalingrad. For fear of being considered an illegal immigrant, and believing that he must stay in his country of residence until he could procure a visa, he bought plane tickets to Kalingrad. FCB officers discovered the location of their hotel room and again visited Ruslan, promising death if he did not leave the country immediately. After being denied a visa at the Polish embassy and the Latvian embassy in Kalingrad, he bought 2-week visas on the black market to enter Lithuania for $100 per person.
At the embassy in Vilinus he was again refused a visa, and the family traveled to Brest in Belarus. In Brest, they contacted friends in Belgium and heard that it would be easier to attain an immigration visa there. Even having been a prominent revolutionary in Chechnya and a highly educated man, Ruslan was uninformed and confused about the process of becoming a refugee. He was completely unaware, for instance, that an application can be filed at a border crossing point or at regional office for foreigners anywhere in the country. The UNHCR has attempted to combat this problem through pamphlets in many languages, but the information remains inaccessible in Chechnya and Dagestan. In a war-torn area where there is limited access to the Internet and other resources, refugees leave in a rushed, confused and uninformed state. Ruslan’s family unnecessarily exhausted their savings on transportation and visa applications even while they remained in constant danger and were pursued by Russian authorities.  

Medina, a young Chechen woman who was granted refugee status in Poland, suffered a similar fate. After her father and brother were killed in the Second Chechen war, her mother, sister and herself emptied their savings to pay 200 euros per person for a ticket to Poland. Later, they later became aware that the actual price of the ticket was only 10 euros. Unfortunately, these situations are not unique, and an extensive market has grown around the plight of refugees. UNHCR's Spindler reports that many asylum seekers have resorted to smuggling networks, due to increased border restrictions.  He says that they pay up to 7,000 euros to be smuggled into EU countries, having been falsely told by the individuals extorting money from them that it is impossible to enter the country legally. (Schlein, 2007)

In cases like these, crafty opportunists are profiting from the refugees’ uncertain situation by selling false visas, transporting refugees illegally, and even trafficking refugees that have come to them for help. The confusion and lack of information surrounding the asylum process complicates the lives of many refugees, and can even decrease their chances of attaining refugee status where they inadvertently engage in ‘illegal activity’.

Limitations of Polish Asylum Processing 

In the stuffy room that Nuura’s daughter Milana calls home, she described the difficulties that her family faced during the asylum process in Poland. Her family left Dagestan before the official end of the Chechen war in 2006. At that time, her home county was recognized as a ‘conflict zone’, and many additional asylum seekers from Dagestan were granted refugee status. It wasn’t until more than 3 years later that Milana’s family was informed that their application had been rejected. On multiple occasions, they were told that their application was frozen, or would need additional time to process. Trapped in the bureaucracy of the Polish asylum process, the family fell through the cracks. 

The 1951 UN Refugee Convention, ratified by Poland in 1991, stipulates that refugees must not be forced to return to the countries they have fled. Host governments are primarily responsible for protecting these refugees. Despite the idealism and spirit of justice behind such an agreement, Poland lacks the financial resources to transform those ideals into reality. With a GDP per capita of only $13,799, the resources available to Poland pale in comparison to Norway ($95,062), Austria ($50,098), and even Slovenia ($27,149). (CIA World Factbook) Generating significantly less revenue in taxes than many other countries, Poland has a limited budget for social services and integration programs.

According to the Act of June 13, 2003, granting protection to aliens within the territory of the Republic of Poland, the decision regarding the granting or refusal of refugee status should be rendered within 6 months from the date of submission of the application. Any decision to refuse refugee status on the grounds of manifestly unfounded application should be rendered within 30 days from the date of submission. (Office for Foreigners Website) Unfortunately, few asylum seekers in Poland receive a verdict within 6 months. Despite this well-intentioned law, the lack of financial resources in Poland limits the speed of the asylum process. Galka’s survey of asylum seekers confirms that Milana’s case is not an isolated one: more than half of the respondents (58%) have been in Poland between one and two years. Only 16% of survey respondents have been in Poland between one and six months (Galka, 2009). 
Budgetary concerns also limit the degree of attention that a refugee receives during the asylum process. In the absence of the monetary resources to hire additional help, each social worker in Poland is responsible for approximately 500 asylum seekers.  In Norway, in contrast, each worker is assigned to only 3 refugees, visiting them on a daily basis and helping monitor the application and integration processes. Given the disparity in budgets, It is unreasonable to think that Poland should be able to provide the same benefits as Norway. In the meantime, however, asylum seekers are being punished in the process and are more susceptible to bureaucratic errors. Ruslan and his family distinctly remember departing Chechnya the day after the Beslan school incident and eventually arriving in Poland on September 24, 2004. However, their Polish-issued papers state that they arrived on July 3, 2004. In addition to making the refugee feel like a mere number, such bureaucratic errors can have a tangible impact on whether an asylum seeker will be granted refugee status.

Refugee Camp Conditions and Integration Possibilities

The lack of financial resources in Poland also compromises the quality of life in refugee camps, and restricts the social services that are available even once refugee status has been granted. In accordance with international norms, individuals awaiting a decision must have access to a social worker, place of residence, basic financial assistance, and medical care. However, the actual degree of access to such services leaves much to be desired. While the refugee may have a social worker, these workers are completely overwhelmed and unable to provide individualized attention. The “place of residence” to which the family is entitled consists of 2 small rooms, where 9 people live in cramped quarters without heat and air conditioning. Milana also described the insect infestations at the camp, as she scratched the hundreds of red bug bites all over her arms.  
Milana and her family receive 70 PLN for each family member not in school, and 340 PLN for the infant and the 3 other school-aged children; far from enough to afford basic necessities, Whether they truly have access to health care is also open to interpretation. A nurse visits the camp only once a week, and those who become sick during the week must wait until her visit. Furthermore, the refugee must receive a referral from the nurse in order to visit a doctor. Even when an individual receives such permission, their illness is not always treated. Milana described one visit when she had been in pain for several weeks and her thyroid was visibly inflamed. The doctor informed her that she was completely healthy and did not need treatment or medication. She remains in pain and has no other way to be treated. This situation is especially precarious because Chechens have an increased risk of developing cancer, especially cancer of the thyroid gland, as a result of chemical exposure during the war. (Umarova, 2007)
Though individuals that are granted refugee or tolerated stay status receive additional provisions from the state, Mohammad and Ludmila continue to face difficulties establishing a stable life in Poland. Under the new Ministry of Labor and Social Policy measure ratified in 2005, individuals who attain refugee status are entitled to participate in annual integration programs. These programs include financial assistance (517–1,149 PLN per month), health insurance, free Polish language courses, the services of a social worker, specialized psychological care, and legal assistance. (Bulandra and Pamuła, 2007) Despite these provisions, Mohammad and Ludmila both face significant barriers to establishing a stable and consistent life. 
Mohammad fled from Chechnya during the war and was granted a tolerated stay status. With such a status, he is permitted to take up working without the need to obtain a special work permit, even though he is not entitled to participate in integration programs and does not receive the same social support as an individual granted refugee status. (Polish Migrant Information Website) Despite the permission to work, he has been unable to find a stable job and relies on money sent from relatives in Grozny to pay rent. Ludmila was granted full refugee status when she arrived in Poland.  Even with the highly sought-after benefits related to her status, she is barely able to pay rent on a monthly basis. She works two jobs to ensure that her family can eat and afford basic life necessities. Despite her precarious situation, Ludmila sensibly questioned, “How can I expect more from Poland when Poles live next to me in the same condition?” Until Poland is able to improve its social welfare programs for the entire country, refugees are unlikely to receive additional support toward establishing a stable life in Poland.

Complications of Dublin II 

Izrudin arrived in Europe in 1999, with the first wave of refugees from Chechnya. He left during the war after being individually persecuted for working with Aslan Maskhadov, a leader of the separatist movement and the third President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Though elusive about the reasons for not being allowed to return to his country, he openly discussed his travels and deportations within Europe. For reasons he was unwilling to share, he was in Poland when Dublin II took effect and consequently, became the responsibility of Poland. Since 2004, he has abandoned the asylum process in Poland 8 different times to try his luck in Norway, France, Belgium and the UK. Izrudin has access to financial resources that afford him the opportunity to ‘asylum shop’, the very action that Dublin II is designed to prevent.

On February 18, 2003, the European Council replaced the Dublin Convention with the Dublin II regulation. This regulation is binding on all EU member states with the exception of Denmark; another agreement with Iceland and Norway made the regulation binding on those states as well. The principal objectives were to determine which member state is responsible for the assessment of an asylum application, and to prevent asylum shopping among member states. Under Dublin II, Poland is responsible for the asylum procedures of all refugees who entered EU territory for the first time on Polish soil. The determination of responsibility is facilitated by the European fingerprint system EURODAC, introduced on May 1, 2004. (Byrne, 2007)
Dublin II was designed to protect states with favorable asylum policies from receiving an excessive influx of applicants. However, it inadvertently has the effect of punishing refugees who enter Europe through states with less favorable policies, or are unaware of the regulation. As mentioned previously, Ruslan’s family traveled through Poland to reach Belgium, where they hoped to begin a new life with friends that already resided in the area. Unknowingly, the family violated Dublin II and was placed in prison, with their two children for 3 months, as they awaited their deportation back to Poland. The regulation clearly stipulates that it is illegal for a refugee to apply for asylum in a European country other than the one where they first entered. Unfortunately, Ruslan did not learn about this law until he was imprisoned. 

As more time passes, a certain amount of information about Dublin II is circulating within refugee circles. While fewer families are unknowingly violating the law, increasingly more refugees are being encouraged to avoid entering Europe through Poland. Stories of poor living conditions in Polish refugee camps, delays in the application process, and a lack of social support for citizens, encourage refugees to bypass Poland as they flee their country of origin. One of the most famous refugee stories in the Polish media is the story of Zoja and her 4 children. The bodies of her three daughters—aged 6, 10, and 13—were found in the mountains at the Ukrainian border. They had spent 4 days in subzero temperatures before border guards found Zoja and her surviving 2-year-old son.. Rather than entering Poland at a designated border crossing, she had attempted to traverse the mountains and pass through Poland undetected. Representatives from the Polish Helsinki Committee suggested that she was likely headed for Austria, where asylum seekers are almost 10 times as likely to be granted refugee status and receive significantly more social benefits. (European Council on Refugees and Exiles)

Dublin II has unintentionally created barriers for the most destitute asylum seekers, while simultaneously requiring states to squander monetary resources to deport ‘asylum shoppers’. Zoja could not afford a plane ticket to enter Europe through a country with more favorable social policy. Before Dublin II, Zoja would have been able to pass through Poland and apply for asylum in a country that provided better life conditions for refugees. Unfortunately, her daughters died in a perilous journey because she desired to provide a more stable life for her family. Another outcome of the regulation is that refugees who become lost in the inefficient process in Poland are unable to seek asylum elsewhere. Though Nauura and her family would likely have been considered refugees by other European governments, they were forced to apply in Poland, where only 7% of asylum seekers are granted refugee status, while other European countries such as Austria, France and Belgium accept 60-70% of applicants. After being denied refugee status in Poland, their fingerprints prevent them from seeking refuge in any other European country; and they cannot afford to fly elsewhere. In essence, Polish officials in a financially limited and inefficient system determined the fate of Nauura’s family. The result is that contrary to the Convention of 1951, within a few weeks the family is being returned to the land that they fled, where everything familiar has been destroyed.

Rather than allocating additional resources to enhance conditions in Polish refugee camps or hire more staff to accurately process applications, European governments have been forced to purchase tickets 8 separate times to return Izrudin to his ‘country of entry’. Why does Izrudin continue to seek asylum in European countries when he knows that under the Dublin II regulation he will be deported back to Poland? He explained that France and Belgium are notorious for disregarding Dublin II, and will occasionally allow refugees to stay rather than deporting them to their first country of contact. Friends in both countries receive health care, an apartment, and other social benefits that are completely beyond his reach in Poland. Currently, Izrudin is even trying to get married to a refugee because he hears that France is more likely to turn a blind eye to Dublin II for families. He can afford to continue flying elsewhere, in the hope that another government will sympathize with his plight. Europe, however, cannot continue to finance his ‘asylum shopping’ while more destitute refugees are returned to their country of origin. 


Barbara Borzyn, a teacher at the Lingua Mundi Language School, shared a particularly disturbing story about one young Chechen girl that sought her help. According to Chechen traditions, the 14-year-old girl was married before leaving the region. Though she was not ready to be married, she was happy to find a husband with the resources to enable her to escape from the war-torn region. After attaining refugee status in Poland, she was excited to hear that she would be able to attend free public school, and her fairly liberal husband allowed her to do so. Much to her disappointment, however, she learned that pregnant girls are not allowed to attend public schools in Poland. It was not her own tradition that restricted her, but rather, the inability of Poles to understand that tradition. 

Many of the Chechen women that arrive in Poland feel trapped between two worlds. Based on the Muslim traditions in their homeland, most are accustomed to wearing headscarves to protect themselves from the gazes of men, and waiting until marriage to be touched by a man other than their father. In Poland, it can be difficult for these women to become accustomed to more liberal attitudes, interact with Polish men, and maintain traditions that limit their ability to integrate into Polish society. 

In the refugee camp, Nuura and her daughter Milana feel trapped. On one hand, they subscribe to some of the Muslim traditions of their culture. They refuse the pork served to them at the camp, even when they are starving. They continue to pray 5 times a day. But after being exposed to more liberal traditions, they are unsure which traditions to continue. Milana spent a year in Polish schools, integrated surprisingly well and even made friends. She swelled with a sense of pride when she was invited to her first Polish birthday party. But her father’s interpretation of their Muslim tradition kept her from attending the party; she is only allowed to spend time with friends in his presence. Her father fears that in an uncensored environment, she may abandon her Muslim values or question their traditions.

Though Madina does not have a strong father figure like Milana, and is generally free to interact with whomever she wishes, she also finds it difficult to observe some Muslim traditions in a predominately Catholic society. Chechen girls must marry within their religion, making it nearly impossible for her to find a future husband. Girls that marry a non-Muslim risk being excluded from the family, and ostracized by friends and relatives. Madina is aware of three cases where girls committed suicide after marrying a non-Muslim and being shunned by family and friends. Despite legally being a refugee, Madina does not find her situation stable. She is barely able to afford basic life necessities, and risks either abandoning her heritage or never having a family.


Mohammad, the refugee who faced employment difficulties despite his tolerated stay status, explained that nobody wants to hire a refugee that cannot speak Polish. There are many schools that offer free Polish lessons, such as Lingua Mundi, and he tries to attend class whenever possible. But because he is unable to find a stable job, he must work as many hours as possible doing manual labor. In his spare time, he searches for a more reliable job. Thus, even though he is able and willing to work, he is still unable to communicate or find time to learn the language.

The director of Lingua Mundi, Maljorzata Sas, explained that absences are frequent among students that enter her language school. At any given time, about 400 asylum seekers between the ages of 17 and 65 are enrolled in a language program. However, less than 50% of the students show up to any given class. She explained that this is not because they do not wish to learn Polish, but because they have other obligations that must take priority. Some must work extra hours to put food on the table, and others have children that require attention. Refugees need to learn Polish to earn more money in the future, yet they must work long hours now to have enough money to make it through the next day.
Language barriers also limit the potential of integration programs targeted for individuals that have gained refugee status. Andrez Antoj directs the Polish Red Cross @ltercamp project, which provides legal services, helps refugee children integrate, and seeks to improve the daily life of refugees after they are granted asylum. However, language barriers and limited access to translation services prevent any aspect of the program from reaching its full potential.


Every refugee in Poland has a unique life story. The most common barriers preventing refugees from establishing a life of stability include: international failure to recognize the Chechen situation, lack of information surrounding the asylum process, bureaucratic limitations in the Polish asylum process, poor conditions and a lack of integration in refugee camps, complications related to Dublin II, cultural and religious traditions, and language. Each family and individual deals with these barriers in different ways.  The luckier among them are granted asylum, while others are forced to return home. Regardless of their differences, every refugee we interviewed demonstrated an admirable capacity to persevere with optimism, despite the tragedies they confronted. Will society help these courageous individuals to overcome the barriers set before them, or will we continue to treat refugees as mere statistics? 



ACPC Interview with Ekaterina Sokirianskaia. “All conflicts in the Caucasus are like connected vessels: deterioration in one conflict area immediately resonates in another.” Dec 9, 2008.

Bulandra, Adam and Pamuła, Maria. “Refugee Reception: Social Conditions and Legal 
Framework; Country Report: Poland”. ICF, 2007.

Byrne, Madeleine. “Fortifying Europe: Poland and Slovakia Under the Dublin System.” 
Contemporary Europe Research Centre, April 2007.

European Council on Refugees and Exiles. “What Price does a Refugee pay to Reach Europe? 

Schlein, Lisa. “UNHCR: Increase in Asylum Seekers to Poland.” December 21, 2007. 

Umarova, Asia. “Cancer Epidemic in Chechnya.” Institute for War & Peace Reporting. October 
18, 2007.


Polish Migrant Information Website. http://migrant.info.pl, maintained by the International 
Organization for Migration and the European Union.

CIA World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/

Kavkaz Center Website, http://kavkazcenter.com

Office for Foreigners Website: http://www.udsc.gov.pl


Andrzej Antoj, Polish Red Cross @ltercamp Coordinator, June 27, 2009. 12:00pm, in Red Cross

Barbara Borzyn, teacher at Lingua Mundi Language School, June 27, 2009. 3:00pm, at the 

Izrudin, Refugee, June 24, 2009. 2:30, at café outside of Palace of Culture.

Ludmila, Refugee, June 25, 2009. 4:30 pm, at Lingua Mundi.

Madina, Refugee, June 25, 2009. 4:00 pm, at Lingua Mundi

Maljorzata Sas, Director of Lingua Mundi Language School, June 25, 2009. 3:00pm, at school.
Milana, Refugee, Refugee, June 24, 2009. 5:00 pm, at Bilany Refugee Camp.

Mohamed Chataev, Refugee, June 22, 2009. 7:00 pm, at Oki Doki Hostel.

Nuura, Refugee, June 24, 2009. 5:00 pm, at Bilany Refugee Camp.

Ruslan, Refugee, June 26, 2009. 4:00pm, at his home.

*Note: For their protection and at their request, we have used only first names for many of the refugees interviewed.
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